Monday, May 28, 2018

Shame of Mankind ( Amnesty International )

Amnesty International You are not impartial, Independent also didnt crossed checked with 3rd Party also Preparatory. You are largely and strong organization, expected voice of #ARSA on your report. As a Human rights activists this report was movie script not like testimonial report.
Mankind shame.
You have to suffer for this to future generation.
In The 5th Industrial Revolution.
Also upcoming Type One 1 civilization.

Friday, March 23, 2018

The exodus has not stopped:Why Rohingyas continue to leave Myanmar


The exodus has not stopped: Why Rohingyas continue to leave Myanmar

By Chris Lewa, Forum Asia, Bangkok
Delivered at the Medecins Sans Frontieres Conference:
“10 Years for the Rohingya Refugees: Past, Present and Future”
Dhaka – 1 April 2002

As long as the situation in Rakhine State does not show any fundamental improvement, Rohingya people will continue to enter and seek shelter in Bangladesh. The refugees in the two remaining camps are only the visible side of an outflow that has never ceased. Indeed, the exodus of Rohingya to Bangladesh has never stopped. Every day, new Rohingya individuals and families continue to cross the border illegally and seek sanctuary in Bangladesh. It is no longer a mass exodus, but a constant trickle. This influx seems to be encouraged and at the same time strictly controlled by the Myanmar authorities, and concurrently it is rendered invisible by the Bangladesh administration. New arrivals are denied access to the refugee camps, and these undocumented Rohingya have no other option than to survive among the local population outside the camps. Their exact number is unknown. An estimate of 100,000 has regularly been cited for several years now, which does not take into account the constant increase. According to the local press, there may be as many as 200,000 living in the Cox’s Bazar-Teknaf-Bandarban area and this amount appears to be more realistic. They are not referred to as refugees but labelled as “economic migrants”.

Forum Asia conducted a random investigation among this undocumented population and interviewed more than 60 men and women in order to ascertain the reasons why Rohingya continue to flee from Myanmar. Our attention particularly focussed on the most recent arrivals who left Myanmar within the last 2 years, in order to identify the current push-factors for flight ten years after the last major refugee crisis of 1991/92 and to permit an assessment of the prevailing situation in Myanmar. It should be noted, however, that this undocumented population of up to 200,000 includes both old and new arrivals. Some of them settled in Bangladesh decades ago. This figure also includes a residual population of the 1978 exodus, refugees who never took shelter in the camps in 1991/92, others who left the camps, as well as new arrivals since 1995.

Let me give a human face to the new arrivals and echo their voices. The following cases are representative of the majority of testimonies we have collected:

CASE 1
Yasmina is a 30 year-old woman from Kya Pan Daw in the southern part of Maungdaw Township. She heads a family of 3 children.

I arrived in Bangladesh in 1998. I had never been here before. One year earlier my husband disappeared after he was taken as a porter. He never came back home and I don’t really know whether he is dead or alive. But I believe that if he were alive, he would have found a way to communicate with me.

I had two acres of paddy land and one sungrass field producing 50 bundles of thatch. I also had a house and a vegetable garden around it. We could survive with that. But gradually I lost everything. It started with the garden around my house. My neighbour was a rich man. When my husband did not return, he offered to purchase it. I refused and then he started using tricks and took it from me. The NaSaKa later confiscated my 2 acres of paddy land and gave it to the new Buddhist settlers. Then a policeman took my sungrass field and kept it for himself.

I also had 2 cows, one goat and some chickens. I sold one cow, and the other one was stolen. One member of the Village Council came to my house and took the goat for the NaSaKa, while the chickens were shot with catapults by passing soldiers. In the end I had nothing left.

Then I received 2,000 Kyats from UNHCR [the Rohingya tend to refer to all international agencies as [UNHCR] and they told me to buy chickens and a goat for breeding. But to tell you the truth I did not purchase any domestic animals with that money. What is the point? I knew that the NaSaKa and the military would take them from me one way or another. I used part of this money for food, and the rest to come to Bangladesh.

I was feeling insecure. My house started falling apart, and my neighbour was a bad man. He always invited the military to visit him. Then one day, he came to my house with two NaSaKa men. Without any reason they just sat there for the whole morning smoking ganja and drinking alcohol. The next day they came again and told me: “We can see that you are facing a lot of troubles. If you are in need of money, just tell us.” I realised what they meant, and I got frightened. So I decided to flee.

In my country, famine is silent. It is destroying Arakan [Rakhine State]. Everywhere there is lack of food and lack of work. If you are starving, you won’t even get ¼ Kg of rice from your neighbours because they are also hungry. Nobody can sleep well at night, because of fear and tension.

Sometimes I become nostalgic and dream about my country, but when I remember what happened to us, I feel a lot of pain and I forget about the nice memories. I don’t know what will happen to me. Who am I? Where should I go? What should I do?

CASE 2
Noor Alam is a young carpenter, married with 2 daughters, from Maungdaw Township:

I arrived here in the middle of 2001. We have been boat builders for 3 generations. My father and grandfather were also doing this. But now I cannot continue building boats because anyone who wants to purchase a boat must pay 20 to 40,000 Kyats to the NaSaKa to get a license. Not only this. We must pay so much tax for the wood and the boards. It is no longer a profitable business and people are no longer interested to buy new boats.

Therefore I started a shop in our village. I was able to survive well with this shop. But recently the NaSaKa decided to build 60 houses for new settlers. All these houses had to be constructed of wood according to their design. They demanded carpenters, and the Village Chairman directed them to me. The NaSaKa showed me the drawings of these houses and ordered me to build them. I had to close my shop and worked for them for one month. They beat me twice during that time because I made some building mistakes. They told us that this was an order of the government, and that we will not be paid. Other forced labourers from our village were recruited to collect wood in the hills. They only supplied us with nails. We had to bring our own tools. During that time, I could not earn any income and according to our social customs, my wife is not allowed to take care of the shop. When my capital was used up, I decided to leave the country. I had just finished building the houses for the new settlers, when they were already issuing an order to build a school for them.

Similar testimonies were given by more than three-quarters of the new arrivals we interviewed. They all belong to families already living in critical or survival conditions in Rakhine State. The majority are landless and rely on casual labour to earn their living, but others had a small piece of land, which was arbitrarily confiscated by the authorities. All of these new arrivals are poor, or became impoverished after losing their land. Among them, we found many female-headed households and the lack of economic participation of women due to social constraints increases their vulnerability. Generally speaking, most of the landless had previously been refugees in Bangladesh and had been repatriated, while those who had land and lost it had never been refugees before. Their profiles are thus very similar to the refugees who fled during the crisis of 1991/92, where UNHCR identified 90% of the refugees in the camps as being landless.

Starvation and scarcity of food triggered their decision to leave, after all other coping mechanisms and survival strategies had been exhausted. It may therefore appear that their flight is prompted by economic reasons. However, when asked how the lack of food came about, two major root causes are emphasized: forced labour and lack of employment.

Forced labour is still pervasive in Rakhine State. Compared to the situation 10 years ago, there has been a significant reduction in the practice since UNHCR and WFP took over responsibility for building local road infrastructure, a type of work which usually requires a large pool of labourers. However, the practice of compulsory labour is far from being eradicated, as documented by the ILO High Level Team of experts who conducted a fact-finding mission in Rakhine State last September. Forced labour continues to be exacted by the military and the NaSaKa for camp maintenance, construction of military facilities, as well as for plantation work in fields confiscated from the villagers. Villagers are also forced to build and repair the houses of Buddhist settlers. Sentry duty is routinely demanded from villagers, and porters are regularly recruited in remote areas. Other types of labour are also requisitioned for the commercial benefit of the military and NaSaKa -- work such as shrimp farm maintenance, collecting bamboo and wood for sale, brick baking, etc.

The poor cannot pay bribes to avoid forced labour and are thus compelled to perform that "duty". Moreover, they have to do not only their own stint of work, but also that of those who had paid off the authorities. This burden and the related loss of income deprive them of their daily earnings and are too much for them to bear.

The impact of forced labour is also exacerbated by a combination of other abuses, such as arbitrary taxation, extortion in kind or in cash, land confiscation and restriction of movement.

Lack of employment and income opportunities can be attributed to many factors, some of them economic. However, in the case of the Rohingya, it is made worse by restrictions on their freedom of movement and confiscation of their land.

Rohingya need to obtain a travel permit (TOKONJA), even to visit a neighbouring village, preventing them from seeking employment elsewhere. After communal riots broke out in Sittwe in February 2001, travel passes were no longer issued for Rohingyas to go beyond Maungdaw and Buthidaung, and Sittwe became totally off limits for them. These restrictions also affect their ability to trade, reducing economic opportunities and increasing prices of basic commodities.

Arbitrary confiscation of land without compensation has been ongoing for many years, either to provide land for new Buddhist settlers or to build and enlarge military camps, including plantations to grow crops for the military for their own food as well as for commercial purposes.

The remaining quarter of new Rohingya arrivals we have interviewed fled for a variety of reasons, which are not directly linked to food security, but which should be understood within a climate of restriction, corruption and fear. Most had found themselves in trouble with the authorities, which usually involved a network of local Rohingya informers.

Common situations are reflected in the following cases:

- Rohingya need permission to get married, and the fee varies from 10,000 to 20,000 Kyats. Most families cannot afford this amount and thus marry their children "illegally". When the NaSaKa finds out through their informers, they flee to avoid arrest or a big fine that they are unable to pay.

- Some people overstay their travel pass, and when they return to their village, discover that an informer has told the NaSaKa that they had gone to Bangladesh or had contacted insurgent groups. They are afraid to be arrested and flee.

- Other people also overstay their travel pass but are ready to pay a fine. When they attempt to return home, they find that their name has already been deleted from their family list. They are thus forced to leave forever, even though they did not wish to do so.

- A person submits a complaint about an incident involving the authorities in his village and is later accused of making a “false statement”.

- At least one person fled after being questioned by the ILO. When his 2 fellow villagers who also spoke to the ILO were subsequently detained, he fled to avoid arrest.

- Last November, three policemen were murdered in Long Don village of North Maungdaw. As a security measure, the authorities threatened to forcibly evict the whole village. An unknown number of Long Don villagers have recently fled to Bangladesh.


The system of informers plays a significant role in the mechanism of oppression. Moreover, deletion of names from family lists is systematically applied by the authorities to prevent people from ever returning to their village. This denies them their right to return home and clearly fits into a policy of expulsion.

This latter category of new arrivals is not necessarily poor, although many are and are therefore unable to pay bribes to avoid “punishment”. They fled to Bangladesh with a well-founded fear of persecution, but the UNHCR has been unable to examine their claim, less so to provide them with any effective protection.

Conclusion

While lack of food and employment are the driving force behind this forced migration, this situation is the result of a combination of gross human rights violations against the Rohingya community. In particular, forced labour, arbitrary confiscation of land, and restriction of movement lead to food insecurity and flight. The Government of Myanmar is implementing these policies in a deliberate attempt to get the Rohingya to leave Rakhine State. The poor are the main target, while the more wealthy enrich the authorities through bribes and taxes. At the same time, the regime is careful not to create another mass outflow of refugees. The constant trickle is strictly monitored, so that it remains "invisible" and does not attract international attention. Referring to the outflow of new arrivals as “economic migrants” is therefore a construct, which only serves to conceal the root causes of flight and deprives them of their rights to seek asylum and assistance.


Persecution of Muslims in Burma




From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


Muslims in Burmese history

The first Muslim recorded in Burmese history


The first Muslim documented in Burmese history (recorded in Hmannan Yazawin or Glass Palace Chronicle) was Byat Wi during the reign of Mon, a Thaton King, circa 1050 AD. He was killed not because he was a Muslim but because the king was concerned about his strength.

Shwe Byin brothers executed


The two sons of Byat Wi's brother Byat Ta, known as Shwe Byin brothers, were children executed because they refused to obey the forced labour order of the king, maybe because of their religious belief.
But it is sure that they were killed not because they were Muslims nor because they failed to contribute to the building of the pagoda but because the king or people walking in the corridors of power in the royal court were worried about their popularity and skills. It was clearly recorded in the Glass Palace Chronicle of the Kings of Burma that they were no longer trusted.

Assassination of Nga Yaman Kan


Rahman Khan (Nga Yaman Kan) was another Muslim killed for political reasons, because of treason to his own king and clearly not as a religious persecution. During a time of war, the famous national hero King Kyansittha sent a hunter as a sniper to assassinate him.

Massacre in Arakan

Another mass killing of Muslims in Arakan was probably not for religious reasons but likely due to politics and greed only. Shah Shuja was the second son of the Mogul Emperor Shah Jahan who built the famous Taj Mahal of India. Shah Shuja lost to his brother and fled with his family and army to Arakan. The Arakan King Sandathudama (1652-1687 AD), allowed him to settle there. He wanted to buy ships to go to Mecca and was willing to pay with silver and gold. But the Arakan king asked for his daughter and also became greedy for his wealth. At last after an alleged unsuccessful attempt at rebellion the sultan and all his followers were killed. Those men seen to have a beard, the symbol of Islam, were beheaded, not because they were Muslims but because they were easily identified from others by this feature. Women were put into prison and let them die with hunger. Therefore, the massacre was targeted at Muslim refugees from India not because of their religion, Islam, but for an economic or political reason.

Muslims under Bayintnaung


Muslims served under Burmese king Bayintnaung (1550-1589 AD). In 1559 AD after conquering Bago (Pegu) he prohibited the Muslims from having halal meals of goats and chickens by not allowing them to kill these animals in the name of God. He showed some religious intolerance and had forced some of his subjects to listen to Buddhist sermons and some were even said to be converted by force. He also disallowed the Edil Adha, Kurbani sacrifice of cattle.

Muslims under Alaungpaya

King Alaungpaya (1752-1760) prohibited Muslims to do halal on cattle.

Bodawpaya

King Bodawpaya (1782-1819) arrested four famous Burma Muslim Moulvis (Imams) from Myedu and killed them in Ava, the capital, after they refused to eat pork. According to the Myedu Muslim and Burma Muslim version there were seven dark days after that execution and the king later apologized and recognized them as saints.

Anti-Muslim and anti-Indian Riots under British rule

British Official White Paper

This paragraph's basic facts are taken from Maurice Collis' "Trials in Burma". He was the judge in Rangoon, eyewitness to the riots, who wrote his book based on the British Official White Paper given by The Simon Commission (The Royal Statutory Commission, appointed according to the Law of the Government of India 1919, The Montague-Chelmsford Law.)

Anti-Indian and anti-Muslim sentiments started during British rule

Anti-Indian sentiments started after the First World War during the British rule. In Burma there were a half million Muslims in 1921. More than half of Indians were Indian Muslims.Although Burma Muslims are different from Indian Muslims and Indian Burma Muslims, Burmese Buddhists put them together, even with Hindu Indians, and called them Kala (blackman).

The root of this hatred was:

1. Earlier Muslim persecution of Buddhists and Hindus during the Mughal wars of conquest, where many Buddhists and Hindus were forcibly converted.
2. Low standard of living of the recent migrants.
3. Recent migrants' willingness to do, dirty, difficult and dangerous jobs.
4. Indians took over the Burmese lands especially Chittiers.
5. Indians had already filled up and monopolized the government services when the Burmese were later ready for those jobs.
6. Professional competition.
7. World economic recession of 1930 aggravated the competition for the reduced economic pie.

1930 Anti-Indian riots

In 1930 there were anti-Indian riots in Burma under British rule.

The problem started in Yangon port, because of the irresponsible action of a British firm of stevedores which had employed hundreds of Indian labourers. While those Indians were on strike, that firm had employed the Burmese workers just to break the strike. So the Indians had to give in and ended the strike. Next morning when the Burmese workers came and reported for work they were told by the British firm that their service was no longer needed. Some Burmese workers were angry and started the fight and Indians retaliated. It grew rapidly into an anti-Indian (including anti-Muslim) riot. Even within the first half-hour at least two hundred Indians were massacred and flung into the river. Authorities ordered the police to fire upon any assembly of five or more who refused to lay down their arms, under Section 144 of the Criminal Procedure Code. That was a black day of 26 May. Within two days the riot spread to the whole country and no one knew the exact causality.

1938 Anti-Muslim riots

There was an anti-Muslim riot in 1938, while Burma was still under British rule. The real agenda was aimed at British government but the Burmese dare not show this openly. Growing Nationalistic sentiments were fanned by the local media and disguised as anti-Muslim to avoid early detection and notice. It was followed by the full blown force of the mighty British Government machinery. Throughout the Burmese struggles against British rule, all the political issues, movements, meetings, demonstrations, riots, rebellions and even the revolutions were instigated, inspired, influenced and led by newspapers.

Burma for Burmese Only Campaign

The Burmese started the Burma for Burmese only Campaign and marched to the Muslim (Surti) Bazaar. While the Indian Police broke the violent demonstration, three monks were hurt. Burmese newspapers use the pictures of Indian police attacking the Buddhist monks to further incite the spread of riots. Muslim properties: shops, houses and mosques were looted, destroyed and burned. They assaulted and even massacred the Muslims. It spread all over Burma and a recorded 113 mosques were damaged.

The Inquiry Committee by the British

On September 22, 1938, the British Governor set up the Inquiry Committee. They found out that the real cause was the discontent in the government regarding the deterioration in sociopolitical and economic conditions of Burmans. The book was used as an inciting factor by the irresponsible Burmese newspapers. They use the anti-Muslim propaganda as a disguise to cover up the political struggle to gain independence. So the Buddhist used the Muslims as a scapegoat, for the first time, to fight against the British.

The Simon Commission (The Royal Statutory Commission, appointed according to the Law of the Government of India in 1919, The Montague-Chelmsford Law) an inquiry of the effects of Dyarchy system of ruling Burma, had recommended that special places be assigned to the Burma Muslims in the Legislative Council.

It recommended that full rights of citizenship should be guaranteed to all minorities: the right of free worship, the right to follow their own customs, the right to own property and to receive a share of the public revenues for the maintenance of their own educational and charitable institutions. It recommended Home Rule or independent government separate from India or the status of dominion.

But the British Government refused to accept all these recommendations except for separation, at the round table committee on India held in London in 1930.

Muslims under U Nu

AFPFL expelled the Burma Muslim Congress

The BMC, Burma Muslim Congress was founded almost at the same time with the AFPFL, Anti-Fascist Peoples’ Freedom Party of General Aung San and U Nu before World War Two. On December 25, 1945 in Pyin Mana, U Razak was elected President of BMC and decided to join AFPFL. U Razak was elected AFPFL President in the Mandalay district in 1946. Later the Governor accepted him as the member of constitutional council. He had very good relations with Buddhists and was even fluent in Pali (Buddhist scriptures are written in this ancient language of India). He became the Minister of Education and Planning in Bogoke’s (General Aung San) Government and was later assassinated with him.[35] But he had supported the main policy of the AFPFL: that is against the partition along community or religious lines. U Razak and his few associates objected to the struggle of those demanding specific constitutional guarantees for the Burma Muslim minority. So, although U Razak was a very popular, important and prominent Burma Muslim leader who had successfully organized Burma Muslims to be able to get an official record that they had participated since the very beginning of the Burmese National struggle towards independence.

His stand of united Burmese (Burma) nation sacrificing the long-term interest of guarantee for the rights of Minority Burma Muslim satisfied not only the Burmese Buddhist leaders of the AFPFL, but strangely also the British Government. Maybe because of that he got a lot of personal rewards. U Raschid and more prominently U Khin Maung Lat, follows the general policy of sacrificing the Rights and Interests of the Burma Muslim Community for ‘the country and their party’. No wonder most of the Burma Muslims later refused to regard or recognize these ‘self interested’ seasoned politicians as their true representatives or saviours. Prime Minister U Nu, just a few months after the independence of Burma, requested the Burma Muslim Congress to resign its membership from AFPFL. In response to that U Khin Maung Lat, the new President of BMC, decided to discontinue the Islamic Religious activities of the BMC and rejoined the AFPFL. Later he became Minister of Justice but no longer represented the wishes of the Burma Muslim community. The newly-formed Burmese Muslim League requested a special government department for Muslim affairs to determine their own future, the same as for other minorities, who had Ministries in Yangon and governments in their states. U Nu removed the Burma Muslim Congress from AFPFL on September 30, 1956. BMC was asked to dissolve since 1955. Later U Nu decreed Buddhism as the state religion of Burma against the will of the ethnic minorities and various religious organizations including Burma Muslims. U Nu, a devoted Buddhist, was pressured by the wealthy and influential Hindi merchants who ordered the prohibition of the slaughtering of cattle. Although he relaxed that during the Kurbani Edd (Hariraya Haji), Muslims had to apply the permits for each cattle and strictly follow procedures under police supervision. Although General Ne Win revoked the first order and allowed the slaughter of cattle for daily consumption, the second order of strict restriction for the sacrifice remained up to the present. Even a mosque’s official who failed to adhere to the permitted number of cattle was arrested and punished. Some Muslims complained that U Nu’s government had made more difficult conditions and regulations for the Haj pilgrimage than the Buddhists pilgrims going to Sri Lanka and Nepal.

Muslims under General Ne Win

When General Ne Win swept to power on a wave of nationalism in 1962, the status of Muslims changed for the worse. Muslims were expelled from the army and were rapidly marginalized. Burma has a Buddhist majority. Muslims are stereotyped in the society as "cattle killers" (referring to the cattle sacrifice festival of Eid Al Adha in Islam). The generic racist slur of "kala" (black) used against perceived "foreigners" has especially negative connotations when referring to Burmese Muslims. The more pious Muslim communities who segregate themselves from the Buddhist majority face greater difficulties than those who integrate more at the cost of observance to Islamic personal laws.

Muslims in Burma are affected by the actions of Islamic extremism in other countries. Violence in Indonesia perpetrated by Islamists is used as a pretext to commit violence against Muslim minorities in Burma. The anti-Buddhist actions of the Taliban in Afghanistan (the destruction of the Buddhas of Bamiyan) was also used as a pretext to commit violence against Muslims in Burma by Buddhist mobs. Human Rights Watch reports that there was mounting tension between the Buddhist and Muslim communities in Taungoo for weeks before it erupted into violence in the middle of May 2001. Buddhist monks demanded that the Hantha Mosque in Taungoo be destroyed in "retaliation" for the destruction of the Buddhas of Bamiyan.[3] Mobs of Buddhists, led by monks, vandalized Muslim-owned businesses and property and attacked and killed Muslims in Muslim communities. This was followed by retaliation by Muslims against Buddhists.

The dictatorial government, which operates a pervasive internal security apparatus, generally infiltrates or monitors the meetings and activities of virtually all organizations, including religious organizations. Religious freedom for Muslims is reduced. Monitoring and control of Islam undermines the free exchange of thoughts and ideas associated with religious activities. Accusations of "terrorism" are made against Muslim organizations such as the All Burma Muslim Union.

It is widely feared that persecution of Muslims in Burma could foment Islamic extremism in the country. Many Muslims have joined armed resistance groups who are fighting for greater freedoms in Burma.

1997 Anti-Muslim Riots in Mandalay

The racial tension in March 1997 between Buddhists and Muslims and the attack on Muslim properties began during the renovation of a Buddha statue. The bronze Buddha statue in the Maha Myatmuni pagoda, originally from the Arakan, brought to Mandalay by King Bodawpaya in 1784 AD was renovated by the authorities. The Mahamyat Muni statue was broken open, leaving a gaping hole in the statue, and it was generally presumed that the regime was searching for the Padamya Myetshin, a legendary ruby that ensures victory in war to those who possess it.

On 16 March, 1997 beginning at about 3:30 p.m. a mob of 1,000-1,500 Buddhist monks and others shouted anti-Muslim slogans. They targeted the mosques first for attack, followed by Muslim shop-houses and transportation vehicles in the vicinity of mosques, damaging, destroying, looting, and trampling, burning religious books, committing acts of sacrilege. The area where the acts of damage, destruction, and lootings were committed was Kaingdan, Mandalay. The unrest in Mandalay allegedly began after reports of an attempted rape of a girl by Muslim men. At least three people were killed and around 100 monks arrested.

2001 Anti-Muslim Riots in Taungoo

In 2001,Myo Pyauk Hmar Soe Kyauk Hla Tai (or) The Fear of Losing One's Race and many other anti-Muslim pamphlets were widely distributed by monks. Many Muslims feel that this exacerbated the anti-Muslim feelings that had been provoked by the destruction in Bamiyan, Afghanistan. On May, 15, 2001, anti-Muslim riots broke out in Taungoo, Pegu division, resulting in the deaths of about 200 Muslims, in the destruction of 11 mosques and the setting ablaze of over 400 houses. On May 15, the first day of the anti-Muslim uprisings, about 20 Muslims who were praying in the Han Tha mosque were killed and some were beaten to death by the pro-junta forces. On May 17, Lt. General Win Myint, Secretary No.3 of the SPDC and deputy Home and Religious minister, arrived in Taungoo and curfew was imposed there until July, 12, 2001.[40] Buddhist monks demanded that the ancient Hantha Mosque in Taungoo be destroyed in retaliation for the destruction in Bamiyan. On May 18, however, Han Tha mosque and Taungoo Railway station mosque were razed to the ground by bulldozers owned by the SPDC junta. The mosques in Taungoo remained closed as of May 2002. Muslims have been forced to worship in their homes. Local Muslim leaders complain that they are still harassed. After the violence, many local Muslims moved away from Taungoo to nearby towns and to as far away as Yangon. After two days of violence the military stepped in and the violence immediately ended.

Human rights violations against Rohingya minority


According to Amnesty International, the Muslim Rohingya people have continued to suffer human rights violations under the Burma junta since 1978, and many have fled to neighbouring Bangladesh as a result.

"The Rohingyas’ freedom of movement is severely restricted and the vast majority of them have effectively been denied Burma citizenship. They are also subjected to various forms of extortion and arbitrary taxation; land confiscation; forced eviction and house destruction; and financial restrictions on marriage. Rohingyas continue to be used as forced labourers on roads and at military camps, although the amount of forced labour in northern Rakhine State has decreased over the last decade."

"In 1978 over 200,000 Rohingyas fled to Bangladesh, following the ‘Nagamin’ (‘Dragon King’) operation of the Burma army. Officially this campaign aimed at "scrutinising each individual living in the state, designating citizens and foreigners in accordance with the law and taking actions against foreigners who have filtered into the country illegally." This military campaign directly targeted civilians, and resulted in widespread killings, rape and destruction of mosques and further religious persecution."

"During 1991-92 a new wave of over a quarter of a million Rohingyas fled to Bangladesh. They reported widespread forced labour, as well as summary executions, torture, and rape. Rohingyas were forced to work without pay by the Burma army on infrastructure and economic projects, often under harsh conditions. Many other human rights violations occurred in the context of forced labour of Rohingya civilians by the security forces."

Violation of Freedom of Religion LIST OF MOSQUES DESTROYED, DAMAGED OR LOOTED


Violation of Freedom of Religion 
LIST OF MOSQUES DESTROYED, DAMAGED OR LOOTED
(FEBRUARY - MARCH 1997)


Mandalay area:
1. Kaindan Mosque
2. Waukhan Mosque
3. Thanlan Mosque
4. Kungyan Hlwa Daung 
5. Jame Mosque, Amarapura
6. Another mosque in Amarapura
7. Payagyi Mosque
8. Panset Mosque
9. Aledaung Mosque
10. Ashechore Mosque
11. Anauk Choke Mosque
12. Dunun Mosque
13. Seinpan Mosque
14. Panlachan Mosque
 
Pakkoku:
1. Surti Mosque
2. Bengali Mosque
3. One mosque, name unknown
 
Pegu Division:
1. Surati mosque, Prome
2. Kharkahr mosque
3. Shwekyarbin mosque
4. 3 mosques confirmed damaged in Pegu, no names given
 
Rangoon:
1. Yankin (Kanbe) Mosque
2. Pazundaung Mosque (twice)
3. Eidgah Mosque
4. 48th Street Mosque & school
5. Myiningone Mosque
6. Sanchaung Mosque
7. Two mosques in Kyimyindaing 
8. Ayethakar quarter mosque in Ahlone township
                                                             = 2 =
 
9. Wartan Street mosque
10. Bangarlisu mosque, Thein Pyu Road
11. No. 7 Quarter mosque, South Okkalapa township
12. Muslim school at Tharkaeta township
 
Kyaikdon:                  
1. Inside of mosque and Muslim school destroyed
 
Gaw Bay:                   
1. Mosque destroyed
 
Naw Bu:                     
1. Mosque destroyed
 
Day Nga Yin:             
1. Mosque destroyed
 
Kyaung Don:             
1. Mosque destroyed
 
Kaninbu:                    
1. Mosque & Muslim school destroyed
 
Pa Glaw Ni:   
1. Mosque valuables looted, placed in Buddhist temple, 
then wooden mosque dismantled.
 



Wednesday, January 10, 2018

Why Slavery Dosnt Demolished by Islam? 600AD

So many offensive question: Why Slavery Dosnt Demolished by Islam?
Answer: Analyze by me, inspired by Islamic Scholars.
Because Slave was commodity product, Investment like stock market. Also doing sex with slave reproduction of slave.

Generate money. Create Income, also like a small industry of present day. Term deposit investment of bank.
Slave was as collateral security, like you mortgage your house or land in bank and can borrow money.
It was economic tool.
Its like present day Banking system.
Can you ban all Bank today.
Just from next Sunday all bank was closed forever.
How will be country Bangladesh or world? It will be a disaster for Mankind.
Thats why slavery was not demolished. But Slavery was not encourage in Islam.
Free slave was best sadka.
Freeing slave there so many sin can be forbidden by Allah (GOD).
Brother read more and time travel to 700AD.
Dont tell me to be fundamental Muslim too.
Coz We cant follow all sunnah like Shabah iqram.
This is the reality.
ইসলাম কি দাসপ্রথা উচ্ছেদ করেছে ?https://www.amarblog.com/murkhobangal/posts/179212

Repatriation proposal is trickery, Myanmar authorities are not trustworthy

Arakan Rohingya National Organisation (ARNO)
Press release 5 October 2017
Repatriation proposal is trickery, Myanmar authorities are not trustworthy
During recent weeks more than half a million Rohingya refugees have taken refuge in Bangladesh due to genocide by

Suu Kyi-army regime in Myanmar.
The governments of Bangladesh and Myanmar agreed, on 2nd October, to work on a repatriation plan. State Counsellor

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said that verified refugees will be accepted. But the question is how the terrified and

traumatized refugees would be repatriated to Arakan/Rakhine State where they experienced, witnessed and fled the

genocidal brutality of Myanmar troops, Rakhine terrorists and other vigilantes. Despite assurance by the Myanmar

government the violence and brutality continue. There were arson attacks on Quarter No.5 of Maungdaw town even

today.
As usual, the Myanmar government’s policy is obscure and its offer for repatriation is trickery. From time to time,

Myanmar has had seized, destroyed any proof of documentation or issued no documentation at all to a large number of

Rohingya. Now the Rohingyas lack documents for verification and resettlement as their houses were burned down.

Myanmar government has already claimed state-ownership of Rohingyas’ land within the affected region of Northern

Arakan/Rakhine state and has planned to confine the repatriated refugees in displacement camps like Sittwe, which

were described by New York Times as 21st century concentration camps. In fact, the so-called verification process

itself is an instrument of persecution since the Rohingyas are not only natural born citizens but also a recognized

ethnic group of Burma/Myanmar.

Myanmar never kept their word in the past; it disregarded all previous repatriation agreements and stopped

cooperating with Bangladesh. With the fresh exodus, the total number of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh now is

estimated to be more than 850,000. Myanmar must change its attitude towards Rohingya and it must accept all

refugees unconditionally.
 When the Suu Kyi-army government itself is carrying genocide of Rohingya, now the responsibility to protect these

helpless and defenceless people weighs on the international community. Those Rohingyas who are still at home remain

trapped in Northern Rakhine’s vast open prison -- without access to food and medicine, in some places even drinking

water -- facing starvation and diseases. The dire situation warrants humanitarian intervention to prevent further

death and destruction and to ensure peace and security of the people. It is imperative to involve the international

community with relevant UN agencies and refugee representatives in all stages of repatriation process.
It is noteworthy that the two previous bilateral identical repatriation agreements signed between the governments

of Bangladesh and Myanmar in 1978 and 1992 that described the refugees as “Burmese residents” were proved

ineffective. Upon their return to Arakan the Rohingyas/refugees were and are treated as illegal Bangladeshi

immigrants and have continued to face mass atrocity crimes. The refugees should be able to go back to their

ancestral homeland as “full citizens” of Myanmar.
The repatriation proposal is a tactical move by the regime, in the face of international condemnations and

pressures, whose ultimate strategic scheme is to destroy the Rohingyas’ existence, history, identity and legality.

Refugees are too terrified and feel extremely unsafe to return to Myanmar precisely because they experienced,

witnessed and fled the genocidal brutality of Myanmar troops, Buddhist extremists and Rakhine vigilantes.
The repatriation proposal must not obscure the need for the international prosecution of those military, Rakhine

and NLD leaders, who were directly involved in commanding the latest events resulting in the massive death,

destruction and expulsion of more than half a million Rohingyas.
Repatriation is a question of life and death for the entire Rohingya population. With regard to safe and honourable

repatriation the following measures, inter alia, are imperative.
The refugees in Bangladesh camps are required to be recognized as refugees by UNHCR, which is a mandated UN

protection agency.
The Refugees should be allowed to put down their identity as “Rohingya”, the UN-recognized name to self-identify.
Repatriation must be fully voluntary.
The refuges must be rehabilitated in their original places and properties with full compensation under the

supervision of the UN with peace-keeping force. 
Demilitarized UN safe zones shall be created in Northern Rakhine State, as an interim measure, in order to

guarantee security of life, property and dignity of the persecuted people, as well as to ensure confidence, faith

and understanding in the minds of the heavily traumatized refugees.
The Myanmar government must restore their full Myanmar citizenship ensuring all rights and freedoms -- security of

life, property, honour, dignity, freedom of religion, movement, education,  marriage, employment etc. -- without

any infringement, restriction, and discrimination in all affairs of their national activities. 
The Myanmar government shall recognize the “Rohingya ethnicity” allowing them to peacefully co-exist in

Arakan/Rakhine State as equals with their “collective rights” on par with other ethnic nationalities of the

country.
The Myanmar Citizenship Law of 1982 must be scrapped or amended aligning it with international standards and

treaties to which Myanmar is State Party, including articles 7 and 8 of the Convention on the Rights of Child as

recommended by the Commission of former UN Secretary General Dr. Kofi Annan.
Land is asset and means of making living. All previous land and landed properties of the refugees must be given

back to them immediately.
Necessary arrangement shall be made to try and punish all perpetrators by an international independent tribunal.
The Myanmar government shall stop and prohibit all forms of racism, incitement, propaganda, hate speech,

Islamophobia, decrees and directives against the Rohingyas and other Muslims.
The Myanmar government must allow unimpeded humanitarian aids to all needy and unfettered access to the media and

rights groups to Northern Arakan/Rakhine state. 
The welfare of the offspring of rapes and raped women must be ensured.

For more details, please contact:

Australia: Dr. Hla Myint + 61-423381904
Bangladesh: Ko Ko Linn: + 880-1726068413
Canada: Nur Hasim +1-519-5725359
Japan: Zaw Min Htut + 81-8030835327
U.K. Ronnie: +44-7783118354
U.S.A: Dr. Habibullah: +1-4438158609

Email: info@rohingya.org
www.rohingya.org

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Copyright © 2017
Arakan Rohingya National Org., All rights reserved.
This is combination of all existing list
Our mailing address is:
Arakan Rohingya National Org.
134 Lowbrook Road, Ilford
Essex, IG1 2HJ
United Kingdom

Maj Gen (Retd) Anup Kumar, Your Excellency. I still honor you as an ex ambassador

Maj Gen (Retd) Anup Kumar, Your Excellency. I still honor you as an ex ambassador.
But Cant agree with your some point.

http://www.dhakatribune.com/world/south-asia/2017/10/08/myanmar-recognises-rohingya-distinct-ethnicity-will-entitled-autonomous-area-2/

Maj Gen (Retd) Anup Kumar, Your Excellency. I still honor you as an ex ambassador.
But Cant agree with your some point.
When your (CHT) point of view come you will U turn.
#RevokingCitizenship
#FreedomOfMovement
#DenialEducation
#FreedomOfReligion
At last whole UDHR are empty.
For #Rohingya
1)Your five year tenure was failure.
Can you describe any achievement.
Trade balance with Myanmar and Bangladesh.
Any Hydrocarbon product came. and Jade stone or spices stone came or any Tin and iron mining raw martial export from Myanmar to Bangladesh.
Only resources I saw Fish and wood log. Timber also recently cut off by Myanmar. What is the benefit to bow Myanmar by Bangladesh.
2)There is Three MP in U Nu Government Mr. Sultan Mahmood, Ex-Parliamentary Secretary.
3) India is with Bangladesh and NATO with Bangladesh only China and Russia are in Myanmar side.
What Chinese and Russian beef is there? explained.
Rakhine seabed tested for mineral deposits
Tests on the seabed of Angumaw beach for mineral deposits, in the Rakhine State township of Rathedaung, by the Yemyaeshin company commenced at the end of last month, it is known.
Uranium Titanium and Radium.
4) agree with you.
5) Bangladesh is friend to all (Whole World) even north Korea (except Israel)
Enemy to Enemy of the State. ---Bangabandhu
6)Rohingya accept Kofi Annan commission advise, The 1978 and 1991-92 agreement was with Myanmar socialist and military government, On the other side both time BNP was the key party. So AL can restore rohingya rights with kofi annan commission advise.
7) She is failure politician. Robert Mugabe (Zimbabwe) of Myanmar.
She came to power
"use your liberty to promote ours" -ASSK
The International community uses their whole liberty to see her in power. as descendant of father of the nation.
But she didnt use her liberty to protect Rohingya text book ethnic cleansing.
Its a hypocrisy by "The Lady" "Icon" "Champion of Human Rights"
Now Champion of #Genocide
On the other Hand Honorable PM Sheikh Hasina is #ChampionOfHumanity
among #Rohingya.
8) Bangladesh Should Lobby Russia, (KSA in Russia) via Iran. China as friend. I think Chinese diplomacy is too hard they dont change their decision.
Around 80% investment in Myanmar of China, HK .
So what the beef is there you can understand.
So need a NATO base with nuclear warhead ICBM and With India as strategic partner this will create a safe zone for

#Rohingya.
Rohingya already called #R2P to international community. after 25th august 2017. UNSC meeting for Rohingya , this is not a joke.
This is history for mankind.
Conclusion Bangladesh is in strong position in International community.
If Bangladesh invites USA or with NATO and India , share joint drill . A single word will not say by Myanmar.
Thanks His excellency.
I used military terms coz he was ex military officer too.

Need an US air base in Bangladesh. Both china and India will cime to Bangladesh and Myanmar will bow Bangladesh and Rohingya too.
The uranium titanium and radium of Buchidawng beach are mining by China for China and Russia. What the hell India and USA and NATO doing.
Lets start #WWIII. The NATO win Warsaw lose. That will give Bangladesh better country.
If Rakhine state is independent GDP will be like Brunei . Same as per ca-pita income after NATO expenditure. Only

Oil and Gas income of sittwe. If autonomous state federation of Myanmar Rakhine state will be exactly like UAE.

After expenditure of US base in Rakhine state.
Now who wants to invade Rakhine state. Rohingya welcomes every state those can give this solution.